PO Box 2 Blackball

It is interesting to view the election as a debate within te ao Māori. The simple definition of being Māori is having whakapapa, so we have a broad spectrum: David Seymour of ACT, a right wing party wanting to re-situate the tiriti, Marama Davidson of the Greens who are environmentally austere and socially left (capital gains tax, free dental care, guaranteed minimum income); Te Pāti Māori who as well as advocating for tino rangatiratanga are anti royal, anti US imperialism and want NZ out of Five Eyes – they also are socially left, into capital gains and wealth taxes; Winston Peters and Shane Jones of NZ First who are populist and opportunist, playing an anti-Māori card – it was once anti-Asian but Winston goes with the flow of grumpiness – and also focusing on Northland; conspiracy ‘Christian’ oddities like Brian Tāmaki; and then Māori in the mainstream parties, with a Labour Māori caucus probably responsible for the Labour Government’s co-governance strategies and other cultural pushes; and with National Māori members seemingly happy with the National trajectory.

This spectrum is pretty much reproduced within the general electorate, although I would suspect the PI electorate is more Labour oriented and the Asian electorate more to the right and, interestingly, there is no anti-imperialist voice within the general electorate. In fact there is virtually no debate on foreign policy. But generally, I might assume, that if tauiwi were to disappear, a post- colonial election would not be radically different in terms of policy stances. Of course it might be argued that this is the result of colonisation but the infrastructure of colonisation can’t just disappear – it’s a lengthy walk through the alps with a sack of milk powder in the pack.

In which case I am left with the tiriti and an indigenous past which can become romanticisms, but which, instead, could become catalysts for the emergence of a post-capitalist culture of revolutionary change.

Attending an investiture was formal and grand. The ceremony invests people with attributes and qualities, giving them the dignity of worth and excellence. There are grades or ranks of these attributes and a citation to support the decision, which has been made by the warrant or the authorisation of the head of state, in this case the King through his agent, the Governor General.  A medal is given to the recipient, plus a copy of the warrant. Letters appropriate to the rank can be used after the recipient’s signature and those of highest rank can use a prefix to their name (Sir or Dame).

It is a carry-over from feudalism, where inheritance of land brought power and authority over the people who worked the land, plus the delegated power of the sovereign in the local courts and in tax collecting. In return there were obligations to provide some infrastructure – roading, relief for the poor, medical services plus soldiers in the event of war. The common people had to accept the powerful person’s merit and excellence and here God was the ultimate judge. This meant that the church as interpreter of God’s voice came into the equation, which often generated some tension.

With capitalism, possession of money and that which money can buy, provides the guide to merit, importance and worth. Important people are wealthy and the poor lack merit. The working class sell their labour and their merit is a collective one expressed in the value of solidarity. It is a much more naked society and money, and the accompanying merit, can quickly come and go and be more generally contested.

The grace of the sovereign and his orders of merit giving worth and dignity is then a useful nostalgia to cloak the nakedness. In Aotearoa, there is, as well, an easy melding of this nostalgia with the Maori cultural renaissance, leading to a more democratic recognition of mahi and mana. The contradictions of king and church and feudalism still hover, but a more benign indigenous voice can be heard.

As a recipient I find there remains the discomfort of the singling out of this or that person, who has often been working in a collective, community milieu, and a singling out which depends on the almost accidental energy required for nomination by a colleague or friend with time and energy.  On the other hand, the recognition of community activist energy, rather than the more normal tribute to those who have ended up in powerful positions in the judiciary or military, or to capitalist patrons, seems worthwhile.

Finally, a working class family felt proud.

A positive response to the TINA blog led to these further thoughts.

Capitalism is of course a system of production that requires capital rather than land. But capital is not neutral. Iwi capitalism, for example, has a collective purpose and collective values behind ventures which perhaps explains its current success. Jews and Lebanese have been renowned entrepreneurs. Traditionally, religious organisations and their members, especially the Brethren and even the Quakers, have been successful in business (Cadburys, Sanitarium…), And then there is the national brand: Jaguar, Volvo, Mercedes Benz, Fiat, Toyota, Holden… This suggests that the capitalist impulse is not purely investment driven, which is why the application of a narrow set of tools by CEOs working for local bodies or NGOs is counter-productive.

And then there is the fact that capitalism remains dependent on colonialism and the exploitation of labour and resources. Locally we have the use of PI labour in horticulture, iwi fishing interests were chartering Russian fishing boats that exploited Filipino labour and reluctant to stop the practice. There is the continuing exploitation of African resources and labour.

Union collectivism has inserted the interests of workers into the structure, with some success, but as has been pointed out, first world worker gains piggy backed on exploited colonial labour.

     There is the issue of the seeping of capital ownership into individual lives through home ownership plus contents, car, caravan, boat, kiwisaver and other investments. There is the issue of unpaid care across all sectors – bringing up children, food preparation, caring for elders etc. There is an ongoing issue of technological advances taking no notice of social context or impact and creating stress at every level of society.

      And now the climate catastrophe is the elephant in the room and the question of whether market forces and capitalist tools can in any manner, solve it.

     The proposed Marxist resolving of these contradictions through the taking over of the means of production, distribution and exchange by the diverse working class (and we might add the peasantry, ethnic groups,  intellectuals and cultural workers) as an exploited majority with values of solidarity and equality remains problematic as actually practised, for it has generated issues regarding the roles of the state, the family, religious belief, intellectual and artistic freedom and responsibility, unions and ethnic groupings. It has always required a revolution with a difficult aftermath and questions of whether the necessary changes are played out locally, regionally, nationally, even  internationally.

       All of this, or none of it, was sitting on the table when I went to a candidates’ meeting in Greymouth yesterday organised by Grey Power and the Anglican Church. All the candidates were there, plus at least a hundred fifty locals. It was an old fashioned town hall meeting and had a good vibe. It was tightly run by the local vicars: a four minute opening pitch by each candidate, followed by a selection of questions that had been sent in (and in turn sent to the candidates so they could prepare their response) – some of them Yes/No questions, others requiring a two minute response. Time keeping was strict and no raving from audience members was tolerated.

          There were questions of level of investment in health and education, local body funding, the Waitaha Power Scheme, crime, problematic youth, mental health, Pharmac, cost of living, unemployment and benefit levels. Unsurprisingly the issues were about families getting by. Presence and personality became important factors.

         The independent candidate surprisingly appealed because he didn’t have the veil of party policy to peer through. He’d been brought up on the Coast and stayed here, worked in a number of sectors and felt that the Coast has a number of resources but is not allowed to use them. All his mates have had to go elsewhere to work and that was wrong. He wanted a cradle to grave region and it should be possible. What it needed was a candidate focused on local issues. Interestingly, this is what happens in the Cuban system.

         Sue Grey, the renegade lawyer was the most charismatic presence in the room as she talked of local autonomy and the role of community in solving its own problems: mutuality is possible if freedom is embraced. Of course, if you look at her career, the impulse can easily move into cult association, opportunism, charismatic leadership and subjective beliefs tending toward conspiracy.

         The ACT party candidate, a young Veterinarian and a newcomer to politics had been very well trained in a short period of time and impressed as a Puritan really. Perhaps that’s ACT in a nutshell under David Seymour, old fashioned Puritans getting rid of frivolous spending and native drum beating.

         The NZ First candidate is a regular and seemed quite like Winston – disgusted with things and promising to sort them out. Damien for Labour was weary. I suspect they’ve given up. But they probably also sort of know what things are about by now, but can’t really articulate them. He said one thing that struck me: the key issue for the Coast (and elsewhere of course) is maintaining a resilient infrastructure, in particular the road connections, in the face of extreme weather events. That’s pretty basic.

         The Green candidate was a bit like a relief teacher trying too hard but did suggest that when it came to the youth mental health crisis, the climate emergency was a factor. And finally there was the No Money Party candidate who’s become a fixture at every election, national or local body, suggesting capitalism is the issue but mystifyingly, jumping straight to the utopia of, ’to each according to their need and from  each according to their ability’, but without a path toward that ideal.

         But unwittingly, in a clown like fashion, he almost put on the agenda the issues that were not on the agenda: the structure of capitalism; the frustrating attempts to organise around it, within it, against it; the continuing colonisation, the climate catastrophe; and an increasingly dangerous global order. But that would require a different sort of meeting.

Spending an afternoon with CEO’s as a token union representative, I realised the mantra of Reagan and Thatcher has not gone away or diminished in volume. The formula is simple: capital flows to where a profit can be made and favours the sites of greatest return. Government investment can sometimes persuade a softer option but that is frowned upon as a distortion of the market. Accordingly, housing will be built or not built according to market forces and there is no other way – despite the housing crisis. The market is law. If the climate is going into the abyss, a charge on emissions is the only way out; simply factor that cost into the market.

There is some small room to move in terms of sustainability, climate and social justice – for these can be seen as gaining social licence, creating staff loyalty (I work for an ethical company), and meeting customer expectation. Equal pay would come under this, but not unions – unions remain a minor irritation (they used to be a major one but that has been dealt to).

There is no possibility of considering other economic or social relations; their minds are closed – presumably through their education and subsequent training. It is similar to the old USSR and I wonder, given the current stresses, how long before the collapse occurs?

I suffer an attack of melancholy, triggered by the writing of an on-line will with the Public Trust, disposing of myself as property, including my corpse. The property is meagre and the corpse too old to harvest, but considering myself as property did put me in the dumps.

The Public Trust has become one of the increasing number of digital castles which make up the modern world. The castle is the algorithm(s) that make up the rooms, the gatekeeper is the chatbox. One inputs and out of the castle comes an output to be downloaded (upon payment) to one’s private digital holding – phone or laptop – the equivalent of the peasant’s strip of land from which one can harvest that which has been planted; some portion of which belongs to the lord.

Continuing to explore the metaphor, there are some commons such as Wikipedia and a noisy range of carnivals: facebook, twitter, spotify, netflix, youtube, games etc. Where are the cathedrals? Perhaps the news sites: stuff, the Guardian, RT, China News, Aljazeera, CNN… The Mass? The sports gatherings or is it pornography? – take this body… And confession is online banking. The lords and ladies? Pretty obvious.

The melancholy grows with the realisation of an increasing redundancy of a person with archaic skills based on presence, skills which are ossifying through underuse, plus the natural redundancy of old age – who really wants to spend too much time with an old man with a repetitious story to tell?

I understand Baxter’s urge to hang out with the marginal and try to build a tribe; to hustle the charitable and expose the mask. But he didn’t have the digital fiefdoms to contend with. Presence was still the game being played, even by spies.

As I venture forth

on a cold morning

the spin of poetry

provides a minimal warmth.

Strange symbols have appeared

on the village lampposts

branding the place I presume

or have we been invaded

by the Russians?

More likely more government

funding to attract the tourists.

The signboard on which

I write union news has been

blown over in a storm of wind –

another symbol – I will need

assistance to put it back,

its concrete feet are heavy,

but not heavy enough;

I imagine a drone arriving

with explosives.

Last night I read of automated

rifles in Gaza and the Israeli military

spraying shit over Palestinian homes;

it’s a difficult world…

But the dog is not fazed

as she Intently investigates

the scent of a recent piss.

Travelling to the ferry for Wellington I stay at a camping ground in a wine growing area. I usually stay there the night before catching the early ferry. It used to house some Northern kids on their backpacker holiday. They’d spend a summer here working for a contractor who provides labour to the vineyards. But now the place is crammed with parked up motor homes and caravans, plus a few old men living in cabins – otherwise they’d be homeless. The motorhome people have sold their house perhaps and need to pause, like those yachts people who wander the globe.  One of the old men tells me that the big contractors, who now use Pacific Island workers, have bought most of the local camping grounds and put in eco pods with solar panels for their workers, two to three hundred Islanders, who can lift a crop of grapes in a day.

There’s no cutlery in the kitchen. Why? It gets stolen it seems – the old man lends me a fork so I can eat my meal. There’s a surveillance camera, microwaves, fridges etc, but no implements.  In the morning, like early homo sapiens, I’ll need to find a stick or a concave stone. In the toilet block the local radio station is piped in. I’ll be home by eight, have to work late…sung to a calypso beat. There’s a dimly lit tv room and traffic on the main road busies past. This is an American level of alienation. Humbert and Lolita might be holed up here. We’ve finally made it.

Surfing the web I come across the Emergence Network, the star of which is a Nigerian professor who’s coined the term post activist. He argues that to challenge and protest is to recognise power and that we need to be more devious, like the runaway slave. We need to recognise the gifts of the South: the oral traditions, the gift culture…, rather than want the resources of the north.

A bunk, a communal kitchen

With the required notices

An old man with a stick

Blenheim FM in the toilet block

 An Asian flosses his teeth,

a French girl huddles in a blanket-

this is the realm of the homeless.

I see possible tragedy, Oedipus

stumbling in, imitating the slave

Fleeing the plantation, head bowed,

secretive feet…

I sleep slowly

The capital:

The election becomes a strange event as the governing team becomes dysfunctional, the bright sparks falling apart and doing questionable things, yelling and screaming and getting drunk and crashing cars, not declaring assets and investments, betraying, disappearing in shame and regret, minor Oedipuses, riddle solvers suddenly realising they misunderstood the riddle. Or perhaps it’s simply that politics can’t just be a career, any more than the Elizabethan Court was a career, that it is best if people have been in the world, done some plumbing or carpentry or engine driving, then had the desire to run things. Anyway, the performance is no longer working and they know. It has the quality of student theatre (except that’s disappeared); anyway, a desire to tackle big and serious themes but a gaucheness seeps through, precocity is not enough. Everything seems stuffed: health and education and the economy and constant natural disaster. Add Ukraine and a crazy imperial master and a wise person pauses: Do I really want this?

I have lunch with a young relative, a professional, who reports that he is looking forward to moving to Switzerland. He tells me that many of his peer group are finding New Zealand insular and inward looking, obsessed with the ‘treaty business’ and would prefer to be somewhere more dynamic. They’re sick of the obsession with past wrongs and present failures and victimhood and the whiff of third world corruption and the excuses and the imposed ‘spirituality’. Ouch!

The important bureaucrats and the CEOs

Swirl like courtiers, jockeying for position,

the whole business feudalised: God and gods

bishops and tohunga, swapping utopias and

possible healings, funding and KPIs, reports

and teams, couriers and uber drivers, IT and

health and safety, whakatauki and karakia,

kaumatua and kaiwhakahaere, boards and

accountants, leases and macrons, and at the

end of it, some poor bastard, young or old,

with a problem: could be colour, could be class,

could be cancer. Could be me or could be you.

It is extraordinary how capitalism can produce, almost accidentally, an image of great power: this submersible with tickets at $250,000, on a disaster tourism trip to see the remains of the Titanic, that technological masterpiece dealt to by an iceberg. In turn, the submersible disintegrates, killing the wealthy who could afford this escapade in order to be able to tell a story to the wide-eyed party guest or perhaps feature it in a chapter of a memoir: I saw the wreck of a dream.

The planet still dictates to the life it has produced and homo sapiens has become perhaps the dumbest of species.

A fifties classroom, windows each side, neon lights, a veranda outside, a crowd of chairs, a sound system and a small dais, two people talking, sometimes three, about writing and life and projects, men and women, gay and hetero, Pākeha and Māori, words and laughter, occasional despair or puzzlement, politics and justice, in between dashes through rain for tea and cake, soup and croissant and a pee; snow threatens on the Pass but tomorrow is another day and tonight we will eat together and plot a future in these uncertain times.

The writers: Bill Nage;kerke, Jeffrey Paparoa Holman, Nic Low, Jane Carswell, Sam Duckor-Jones, Paul Maunder and Paddy Richardson (absent: Jane Kelsey).

The readers: Kai at the Club

There’ve been some melodramas occurring on the political scene with the defections of Meka Whaitiri from Labour and the resignation of Elizabeth Kerekere from the Greens. Journalists are wary of comment as are the Labour and Green hierarchies. Yet it has been strange behaviour, with ambition, envy and opportunism poking their heads in the door. Meta Whaitiri was on the wrong side of an employment dispute five years ago, was demoted to the back bench, reinstated to ministerial ranking, but lower than some younger Māori women MPs who have been promoted. She suddenly decided to move to Te Pāti Māori, forgot to tell her leader or colleagues of her intentions and fudged the issue with the speaker to stop her possible expulsion from parliament. Instead she is portrayed as victim by her new party, as someone casting off the shackles of the colonist. After a week of silence she proclaims that she had ‘a feeling in her puku’ that it was the right thing to do. Hard to discuss that.

It seems that Dr Kerekere got miffed when her private member’s bill wasn’t pulled but Chloe Swarbrick’s was and pushed the wrong text button and the well-mannered Greens reacted. It was rumoured that she hadn’t been nice around the office either and other allegations surfaced. A long winded enquiry began, taking place during the list ranking process; she being surprisingly high on the recommended list. She had been recruited because she was Māori with strong rainbow connections. The Greens meanwhile had tiriti-aligned their constitution with the new structure giving a sprinkling of Māori members quite a lot of say, unsettling some of the older hands. In a closed zoom call arranged by her supporters within the party, Dr Kerekere made the case to members that she was being shafted by the co leaders and a colleague-leaker. Once again she was victim. There was no room for question or comment and immediately afterward she resigned. Don’t mess with me was the message.

The good old persecutor/victim/rescuer pattern is in play, that pattern which is at the heart of warrior cultures, mythology and the major religions; an elemental pattern but one that causes an awful lot of grief. If there has been any enlightenment it is to realise that the pattern needs to be sidelined if the human species is to realise some form of social ecology.

Rather than promoting tino rangatiratanga and resourcing Māori driven structures, this drive to tiriti align mainly Pākeha organisations is, from my experience, a minefield; for you have the trickster syndrome to cope with, plus a robust confrontational style but with no grudges at the end of the day – something Pākeha need to learn; plus a tolerance of pushing-past-the-boundaries behaviour. And then there’s the religious acknowledgement of higher forces which takes me back to a childhood where grace was said before a meal, prayers said at bedtime and the bible referred to for guidance. But what of Marxist or Freudian rational enquiry (which in turn has its problems)? These questions, this debate, is facile unless the driving force of capitalism is made articulate and acknowledged as the major issue – with its tolerance of anything – as long as a buck is being made.

The final shenanigan was the gob-smacking coronation, where a 16^th century ritual (when oaths of fealty muttered reluctantly by recalcitrant princes would have been riven with tension, when the surrounding of the king by Anglican clergy in order to make sure he didn’t fall into the hands of the Papists would also have been highly charged, where one of the princes was turned into something remote and symbolic as an act of God), was re-enacted five centuries later without any attempt to take into account current cultural and political realities. Quite extraordinary. All those soldiers in comic uniforms, the gold coach, the robes, the table of symbolic objects, the kitsch screens for the anointing, the bass profundo, the angelic choir boys… what did they currently signify? A lack of intellect? A final gasp from a broken imperial nation?

I preferred the prologue, a documentary about the soap opera love of melancholic Charlie and jokey Camilla, which has prevailed through divorce, scandal and parental frowns – but without the trials of poverty.